Is Death a Taboo in Western Society? (An Analysis Through the Funeral Industry)
[Written by Connor for an undergraduate philosophy essay & conference paper]
In almost every culture across the globe death is regarded as something of a taboo; both historically and in modern life. Though we associate death with various rituals and rites, such as the modern conception of the funeral, it is predominately regarded as a taboo subject in general conversations. Many writers, such as anthropologist Ernest Becker, have suggested that the activities of our lives are simply an effort to distract us from the harsh reality and inevitability of death. In his work, The Denial of Death, Becker claims that, somewhat ironically, man’s existence is characterised by ‘the deepest need (…) to be free of the anxiety of death and annihilation’.[1] Even in the fiercest of religious and superstitious circles whereupon individuals firmly belief in the afterlife; corporeal disembodiment or an eschatological continuity of existence with the utmost certainty, the grief and finality of mortal life still largely remains a negative experience of remorse and trepidation; theological accounts rarely celebrate death and are typically morose. In secular life and religiosity, this is naturally difficult to discuss and engage with. The Modern Western society is certainly no exception to this observation with movements such as Death Salon claiming that ‘death is sanitized and hidden in contemporary culture to the point of becoming a taboo subject’.[2]
However, in a somewhat postmodernist, increasingly secular and fluid society new attitudes to death have seen a dramatic emergence. Indeed, we can observe a trend in the last half century alone that is highly indicative that this taboo and anathema surrounding death is disintegrating to some degree and that we are becoming more open in our ways of dealing with this phenomenon with a more postmodern interpretation (one of scepticism and reinvention of meaning) of society. One of the most prominent (or arguably the most predominant) of areas in which this change can be clearly seen is from within the funeral industry. As such, it is the best place to begin answering this question.
It would be far too simplistic and barbed to offer a simple narrative conveying a transition from hushed conservatism, neglecting the topic of death altogether, to a more liberalist, open and embracing (if not at times almost anachronistically sacrilegious) outlook. In reality, despite this clearly identifiable trend the inexorable unpleasantness of death continues to be an immutable issue in every area. Medically, socially, psychologically, philosophically and theologically as we engage with the fear of death, necrophobia, anxiety, sorrow, grief, emotional pain, depression, saudade and other conditions or sentiments commonly surrounding death that ensure it remains concealed from most conversations. Some progressive efforts from writers like Satish Modi are vocalised, who in arguing that death can be a ‘positive force’[3] continue from philosophers such as Spinoza who claims in his work Ethics that ‘a free man thinks of death least of all things; and his wisdom is a meditation not of death but of life’[4]. For Modi and Spinoza death does not stand as an obstacle to the enjoyment of life. It is not a morbid fear for those engaged and enlightened enough. Though there is disagreement in these positions over the prominence of death in contemplation, they both posit that a healthy and meaningful life engages with death in a way that relinquishes fear of it. Despite this, many writers are noting the existence of taboo in facts such as ‘more than half of Britons in relationships are unaware of their partners' end-of-life wishes’.[5] The would-be unveiling of the "death taboo" is also contended with and restricted by consumerism and reactionary conservatism. But how do we accurately judge death's role in contemporary dialogue?
The most obvious and plain way in which we can see these emergent attitudes towards death is through the actual sales and current demands surrounding funerals. That is, the popularity, fashions and diversity in certain novel ways of practicing funeral ceremonies. So whilst we must keep in mind a certain controversy over what these trends in market demand and consumption could mean, this phenomenon is strongly suggestive that new markets are ultimately a reflection that we have come to adopt a much more fluid and liberal outlook on funerals with increasing unconventionality. That is, our preferences, becoming wider are also more comfortably catered for (and generally without stigma). Funerals now encompass more practices that stray from tradition and are more personalised despite increasingly straying from this tradition. This is ever more apparent as we can see from across social media and various news articles that claim that ‘the way we say goodbye to loved ones and friends is changing’.[6] What we are seeing is essentially more diversity and elaborate elements being contracted into the funeral ceremony – rock and pop songs[7], the option to ‘buy stars and name them for the deceased’[8], a memorial ‘tree (or) garden in memory of the deceased’[9] optional coffins with dressed up and displayed corpses[10] and ‘football themed’ services[11] to name but a small few.
Even the Christian funeral can be seen to undergo this liberal expansion by virtue of its traditional requisites (hymns, burial) declining and alternatives being explored (personalised memorial services, organ donations, cremation, elaborate thematic touches are growing more common). A recent study entitled Christian Funeral Practices in a Changed Time and Culture found that ‘consumerist and sentimental notions are finding their way into the life of the Christian church (as) clergy and congregations experience growing pressure to incorporate secular elements into such services’.[12] Clearly this increased conversation on the subject of death is a veritable truth when we come to consider these bizarre displays of exhibition and forethought in conjunction with the birth of contemporary movements like Death Salon, Dying Matters, other lobbies and even increasingly engaged debate concerning assisted dying[13] or growing suicide awareness[14] that actively seek raise conversational awareness of death and related issues. Such groups often claim to be ‘engaged in the exploration of our shared mortality by sharing knowledge and art’ and ‘(aiming) to subvert this death denial by opening up conversations with the public about death and its anthropological, historical, and artistic contributions to culture’.[15] Such discourse seems to add a contextual backdrop which bolsters these apparent trends as the genuine shattering of taboo and death steadily creeping to the table of conversation at dinner time, if only for a small number of households.
One could even argue (as McFadden and Donohue do in their study[16]) that these trends reveal that capitalist consumerist ideology has infiltrated that most previously sacred of rituals to some extent. Though the notion of consumerism seems entirely conceptually divorced initially from the grievances, sanctity, emotional and spiritual closure of funerals it is hard not to dismiss this narrative when we consider the more bizarre or personalised coffins and themes featured at funerals. Therefore, there is an argument to be made that capitalism is a medium in this instance; a medium for the individual to express their outlooks on death more freely through commodities. Conversely we can also see a line of argument which denies this; that capitalism actually provides this market to simply fall victim to cheap consumerism and materialistic competition. The banal but functional illusion of expression is part of this mechanism. Though this argument would make it somewhat more difficult for us to assume an emergence in the acceptance of death it must be admitted that whether deeply meaningful or shallow these phenomena still ultimately offer us a startling counter to the idea of death as a taboo. That is, clearly intense thought and planning have featured as critical to some of the more exhibitionist kinds of ceremony. Whatever the consumerism involved in funerals reveals, even if we do happen to grant this competitive dimension to some modern funerals, it is increasingly evidential that more thought and consideration is being given into the area of funeral services in life and thus the taboo can be said to be breaking down at least to some degree. The issue is therefore mostly concerning which macro narrative we place these changes in.
As mentioned, there is something to be said of this previously offered narrative - That our current engagement with capitalism and consumption choices have allowed us to be much more free and open with how we express this newfound acceptance of death. This narrative palpably isn’t the entire truth and we must not exaggerate its role in reality; a more reflective account of reality is somewhat more complex and in fact sees capitalism often take a much more oppositional role to the one previously encountered. To expand, though it is somewhat true that capitalist ideology has opened this taboo up for discussion through allowing people to freely explore, express and personalise their thoughts there exists another critical narrative; one of consumerism. It can be said that the trends we see in the funeral industry have less to do with an intellectual handling of our own human mortality and more, in fact, to do with an increasingly suffocating need to personalise every aspect of our life through the consumptive acquisition of goods. Here it seems that the Neo Marxist critique that ‘We're convinced that we can buy our way to happiness, that wealth is the path to permanent fulfilment’[17] and that we value personalisation as currency[18] is apt. So it could be easily argued that some of these observations have more to say about the modern necessity to personalise our life through expense (ie. materialism) or at least rival others’ attempts to do so (which has now extended to our deaths), than the intentional and authentic deconstruction of a taboo.
Of course one could argue that the highly ritualised and systematic approach to death and the funeral industry is historically entrenched in our society by virtue of traditional Christian services is just as indicative of a strong societal focus on death. However, this would perhaps be a slight misreading for several reasons. Firstly, not only is the normative Christian approach often void of expression through lack of personalisation and open format but also because; in stark contrast to modernity it features a less emphasised element of planning and preparation on an individual level and follows a more static and institutional format. So to elaborate, in the past it can be argued that society enjoyed a strong focus on death through the conceptualised Christian funeral, a then much more widely appreciated and attended phenomenon by some numbers. Yet this ritualistic attitude to death, though elaborate and important, often included little input on the level of the individual in relation to both content and implication and was often the choice by lack of plurality. In comparison to modern day in which individuals are increasingly being urged and indeed acting on these offers to create wills of testament and carefully and intricately tailor their funeral ceremonies and beliefs about death, Christian ritual appears more of a default in its proper social and historical context, not without criticism of inauthenticity from the most zealous milieus. The rise in cremation, memorials and “green funerals”[19] are all testimony to this newfound planning, personalisation and forethought - not to mention the observable desire to seek out and consider alternatives to ceremonies that predicate traditional Christian beliefs.
These alternatives also warrant mention for a myriad of reasons. In the last few decades alone the West has seen the appearance of many alternatives to its historically predominant Christian beliefs and doctrines as viable, popular and credible alternatives. This diversity and openness in greater societal ideology is reflected within the funeral industry - Not only are we believing in a variety of different religions, spiritualties and non-religious ways of life or philosophies but we apply these ways of thinking into our celebrations of life and death and consequently are talking about these more now there is a legitimate conversation to be had and alternatives to consider. New Age spirituality[20] and the appropriation of Eastern thought, for instance, quite principally highlights death and the afterlife. Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh and Jain observance and subsequent ceremonies are increasing in the UK[21] and other western countries. Another such movement that has begun to inform the conduct and raison d'etre of funerals is actually Spiritism and the firm belief of the paranormal.[22] The Spiritualist’s National Union for instance offer ‘burial, cremation, scattering of ashes & memorial services’ in contradistinction to the traditions of Christian funerals.[23] While numerically this may not be a contender for dislodging Christianity's hold, it is at least testimony to the deconstruction of orthodoxy and the embrace of plurality. This myriad of emergent attitudes to death rituals informs resulting conversations and the ‘widespread and growing contemporary phenomenon of spiritual seeking’[24] which, while controversial[25], is nonetheless popular.
Another attitude that we can perceive is this resolute attempt at grappling with death witnessed in the increasingly popular non-religious funeral which comprise 30,000 of Britain’s funerals and it is also worth noting that 1 in 20 families are actively seeking out alternative ceremonies to reflect their attitudes to life and death[26]. Further testimony to this trend is the fact that Humanist funeral celebrants have been in demand for half a century[27] and the last decade has seen their number double recent years[28] and the British Humanist Association now boast 300 celebrant active in Britain alone[29]. The popularity of these movements is further evidenced by a 24% demand increase[30], the training of 56 celebrants and twice as much internet traffic concerning Humanists funerals within the last year alone[31]. Such Humanist funerals are varied and diverse as a ‘unique and personal ceremony’ of which ‘the vast majority are for people who lived their lives without religion because they didn’t believe in God or weren’t clear about their beliefs’.[32] Thus it can be said that they target a growing sentiment of hypocrisy in having a religious funeral which is becoming talked about in conversation in relation to death[33] - Atheistic, humanistic and overtly secularist attitudes to death and finality show us a kind of courageous handling of the topic of death; with no expectation of afterlife or posthumous existence and an explicit focus on mortality. Indeed, philosopher Julian Baggini writes that ‘Death (…) occupies a crucial role in the atheist world view’ that it ‘is what makes life valuable in the first place’.[34] It is the atheist view, according to Baggini that engages with the meaning of life and sees mortality and finality as inherently more meaningful than eternal existence.
When we consider the growth of atheism as a demographic in recent years across the West[35] alongside such growing intellectual movements of transhumanism[36] and other conversations entirely concerned with a confrontation, acceptance or victory over death it is no surprise that we see this kind of diverse attitude applied in the conduct and reasoning of funeral ceremonies. All these various movements invite us to consider death in new lights in contradistinction to religious tradition and this subsequently shows us a trend of non-tabooed conversation that meanders through the funeral industry and beyond.
We can firmly establish that there does indeed exist an indicative trend of breaking taboo yet it would be far too easy to say that this entirely characterises or even provides a rough outline of attitudes to death in the UK alone. Some more conservative views still remain intact and obstinate in reactance to this trend. This can be observed in a multitude of ways, not least of which through the remanence of traditional Orthodoxy within Christianity and its influence, monopoly even, over the industry of funerals. It can also be observed across other religions in their respective communities to a lesser extent; in Judaism for example ‘flowers and music are inappropriate at funerals’ and an ambiguous notion of resurrection is advocated[37] - alongside strict laws and unyielding bans on suicide and euthanasia this does little to suggest uncontested and extensive conversations alluding to death and if anything reinforces taboo. Given the increasing numerical presence of many such religious minorities[38] and Christian conservative backlash we can draw from this some limitation to the claim that the taboo around death is falling apart. Yet whilst this traditionalist attitude to death does something to subvert an explanation portraying that taboo is breaking down, in some cases, it is reactionary in nature or it may have less to do with shushing those who would dare bring death to the dinner table (as would certainly be the case for other target areas for conservatism, such as conversations about sex). Indeed, in some cases this conservatism may be part of the great conversation about death in its own right – as a carefully considered attitude to mortality, as opposed to a sense of being mortified by it ever being under discussion. That is, a considered answer rather than a rejection of the question.
Inarguably we can claim that there is a veritable trend in some places towards the destruction of the death taboo. We are seeing a more fluid and diverse understanding of religiosity, a more open attitude to alternative beliefs in combination with a greater emphasis and inclusion of consumerism and atheistic philosophies into how we deal with death but we must not overemphasise either this narrative or the phenomena evidencing it or fail to recognise that often these efforts are in essence reactionary against a perceived overwhelming taboo. Modernity’s existential openness, conversations on mortality, secularism, spiritual fluidity, freedom and liberalism is limited in revealing a decline in taboo, being overshadowed in part by consumerism, the immutable negative connotations of death and robust traditionalist conservatism. We must resist the temptation to emphasise the essential small scale that the funeral industry reveals of larger culture also. To say that taboo is not breaking down however would be palpably intellectually dishonest, given the evidence at hand. Overall, it can be argued that even the counter examples, while limiting the initial extent to which we may see taboo breaking still suggest that death is on our minds much more so than it historically has been. Even if materialism or even attempts at halting a conversation on mortality is the intended effect or focus of these efforts they still go some way in bringing death to the dinner table, whether we like it or not.
[1] Ernest Becker, The Denial of Death (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2007), p. 66.
[2] Death Salon, 2015 http://deathsalon.org/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[3] Satish Modi, In Love With Death (London: Birlinn Ltd, 2014), p.6.
[4] Benedict de Spinoza in Rene Descartes, Benedict de Spinoza, Gottfried Wilhelm Von Leibniz, The Rationalists: Descartes: Discourse on Method & Meditations; Spinoza: Ethics; Leibniz: Monadolo gy & Discourse on Metaphysics (New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2011), p. 367.
[5] Louisa Peacock, The Telegraph, The Real Reasons Why Death Is Still So Hard to Talk About With Your Loved Ones, 13 May 2014, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/womens-life/10825710/The-real-reasons-why-death-is-still-so-taboo-hard-to-talk-about-with-your-loved-ones.html [Accessed 22 October 2015]
[6] South Wales Evening Post, Colourful Coffins and Rock Music - The Way We Say Goodbye to Our Loved Ones is Changing, 11 October 2015 http://m.southwales-eveningpost.co.uk/Colourful-coffins-rock-music-way-say-goodbye/story-27962053-detail/story.html [Accessed 13 October 2015]
[7] Ibid.
[8] National Funeral Directors Association, Trends In Funeral Service, 2015 http://nfda.org/media-center/trends-in-funeral-service.html [Accessed 02 October 2015]
[9] Ibid.
[10] Amanda Killelea, The Mirror, The Bizarre Funerals Where the Dead Become the 'Living' Again Thanks to New Dress-Up Craze, 23 June 2014, http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/weird-news/bizarre-funerals-dead-become-living-3750831 [Accessed 10 November 2015]
[11] South Wales Evening Post.
[12] John McFadden and James M. Donohue, C.R, Christian Funeral Practices in a Changed Time and Culture (Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2005), p. 3.
[13] Dignity In Dying, Largest Ever Poll on Assisted Dying Shows 82% of Public Support Lord Falconer’s Proposed Change in the Law, 2015 http://www.dignityindying.org.uk/press-release/poll-assisted-dying/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[14] A good example of which is Deborah J. Taub and Jason Robertson, Preventing College Student Suicide: New Directions for Student Services (Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2013), p. 7.
[15] Death Salon.
[16] John McFadden and James M. Donohue, p. 7.
[17] Steve Taylor, Psychology Today, The Madness of Materialism, 10 March 2012 https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/out-the-darkness/201203/the-madness-materialism [Accessed 18 October 2015]
[18] Renée Ridgway, ‘Personalisation as Currency’, APJRA, 4.1 (2015)
[19] National Funeral Directors Association.
[20] Doug Groothuis, Confronting the New Age: How to Resist a Growing Religious Movement (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 32.
[21] Hindus alone now comprise of 1.5% of the population, the fourth largest religious group according to Office For National Statistics, The Percentage of the Population With No Religion Has Increased in England and Wales, 04 April 2013 http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census/key-statistics-for-local-authorities-in-england-and-wales/sty-religion.html [Accessed 19 October 2015]
[22] My Last Song, Spiritualist Funerals, 2015 http://www.mylastsong.com/advice/470/114/107/funerals/alternative-funerals/spiritualist-funerals [Accessed 20 November 2015]
[23] The Spiritualist’s National Union, Funeral Services the Spiritualist Way, 2011 http://www.snu.org.uk/community/ministers/funerals.html [Accessed 12 November 2015]
[24] Christian Smith and Dr William R Kenan, Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 72.
[25] As evidenced in the critique of Dave Webster, Dispirited: How Contemporary Spirituality Makes Us Stupid Selfish and Unhappy (Winchester: Zero Books, 2012)
[26] Caroline McClatchey, The Telegraph, Rise of the Funerals That Leave Out God, 4 March 2007 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1544496/Rise-of-the-funerals-that-leave-out-God.html [Accessed 10 November 2015]
[27] Smoker, Barbara, Humanism (Liverpool: Press Roman, 1973), p. 51.
[28] Caroline McClatchey.
[29] The British Humanist Association, Non-Religious Funerals, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/ceremonies/non-religious-funerals/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[30] The British Humanist Association, BHA News (London: The British Humanist Association, 2015), p. 6.
[31] The British Humanist Association, The British Humanist Association Annual Review 2015 (London: The British Humanist Association, 2015), p. 8.
[32] The British Humanist Association, Non-Religious Funerals, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/ceremonies/non-religious-funerals/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[33] Caroline McClatchey.
[34] Julian, Baggini, Atheism: A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 71.
[35] The British Humanist Association, Religion And Belief: Some Surveys And Statistics, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/campaigns/religion-and-belief-some-surveys-and-statistics/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
Amanda Marcotte, AlterNet, America Is Losing Religion: Why More and More Women Are Embracing Non-Belief, 14 May 2015 http://www.alternet.org/belief/america-losing-religion-why-more-and-more-women-are-embracing-non-belief [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[36] Zoltan Istvan, Psychology Today, Transhumanism Grew Rapidly in 2014, 30 December 2014 https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-transhumanist-philosopher/201412/transhumanism-grew-rapidly-in-2014 [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[37]FuneralWise.com, Conservative Judaism Funeral Service Rituals, 2015 https://www.funeralwise.com/customs/jewish/conservative/ [Accessed 18 November 2015]
[38] Office of National Statistics.
However, in a somewhat postmodernist, increasingly secular and fluid society new attitudes to death have seen a dramatic emergence. Indeed, we can observe a trend in the last half century alone that is highly indicative that this taboo and anathema surrounding death is disintegrating to some degree and that we are becoming more open in our ways of dealing with this phenomenon with a more postmodern interpretation (one of scepticism and reinvention of meaning) of society. One of the most prominent (or arguably the most predominant) of areas in which this change can be clearly seen is from within the funeral industry. As such, it is the best place to begin answering this question.
It would be far too simplistic and barbed to offer a simple narrative conveying a transition from hushed conservatism, neglecting the topic of death altogether, to a more liberalist, open and embracing (if not at times almost anachronistically sacrilegious) outlook. In reality, despite this clearly identifiable trend the inexorable unpleasantness of death continues to be an immutable issue in every area. Medically, socially, psychologically, philosophically and theologically as we engage with the fear of death, necrophobia, anxiety, sorrow, grief, emotional pain, depression, saudade and other conditions or sentiments commonly surrounding death that ensure it remains concealed from most conversations. Some progressive efforts from writers like Satish Modi are vocalised, who in arguing that death can be a ‘positive force’[3] continue from philosophers such as Spinoza who claims in his work Ethics that ‘a free man thinks of death least of all things; and his wisdom is a meditation not of death but of life’[4]. For Modi and Spinoza death does not stand as an obstacle to the enjoyment of life. It is not a morbid fear for those engaged and enlightened enough. Though there is disagreement in these positions over the prominence of death in contemplation, they both posit that a healthy and meaningful life engages with death in a way that relinquishes fear of it. Despite this, many writers are noting the existence of taboo in facts such as ‘more than half of Britons in relationships are unaware of their partners' end-of-life wishes’.[5] The would-be unveiling of the "death taboo" is also contended with and restricted by consumerism and reactionary conservatism. But how do we accurately judge death's role in contemporary dialogue?
The most obvious and plain way in which we can see these emergent attitudes towards death is through the actual sales and current demands surrounding funerals. That is, the popularity, fashions and diversity in certain novel ways of practicing funeral ceremonies. So whilst we must keep in mind a certain controversy over what these trends in market demand and consumption could mean, this phenomenon is strongly suggestive that new markets are ultimately a reflection that we have come to adopt a much more fluid and liberal outlook on funerals with increasing unconventionality. That is, our preferences, becoming wider are also more comfortably catered for (and generally without stigma). Funerals now encompass more practices that stray from tradition and are more personalised despite increasingly straying from this tradition. This is ever more apparent as we can see from across social media and various news articles that claim that ‘the way we say goodbye to loved ones and friends is changing’.[6] What we are seeing is essentially more diversity and elaborate elements being contracted into the funeral ceremony – rock and pop songs[7], the option to ‘buy stars and name them for the deceased’[8], a memorial ‘tree (or) garden in memory of the deceased’[9] optional coffins with dressed up and displayed corpses[10] and ‘football themed’ services[11] to name but a small few.
Even the Christian funeral can be seen to undergo this liberal expansion by virtue of its traditional requisites (hymns, burial) declining and alternatives being explored (personalised memorial services, organ donations, cremation, elaborate thematic touches are growing more common). A recent study entitled Christian Funeral Practices in a Changed Time and Culture found that ‘consumerist and sentimental notions are finding their way into the life of the Christian church (as) clergy and congregations experience growing pressure to incorporate secular elements into such services’.[12] Clearly this increased conversation on the subject of death is a veritable truth when we come to consider these bizarre displays of exhibition and forethought in conjunction with the birth of contemporary movements like Death Salon, Dying Matters, other lobbies and even increasingly engaged debate concerning assisted dying[13] or growing suicide awareness[14] that actively seek raise conversational awareness of death and related issues. Such groups often claim to be ‘engaged in the exploration of our shared mortality by sharing knowledge and art’ and ‘(aiming) to subvert this death denial by opening up conversations with the public about death and its anthropological, historical, and artistic contributions to culture’.[15] Such discourse seems to add a contextual backdrop which bolsters these apparent trends as the genuine shattering of taboo and death steadily creeping to the table of conversation at dinner time, if only for a small number of households.
One could even argue (as McFadden and Donohue do in their study[16]) that these trends reveal that capitalist consumerist ideology has infiltrated that most previously sacred of rituals to some extent. Though the notion of consumerism seems entirely conceptually divorced initially from the grievances, sanctity, emotional and spiritual closure of funerals it is hard not to dismiss this narrative when we consider the more bizarre or personalised coffins and themes featured at funerals. Therefore, there is an argument to be made that capitalism is a medium in this instance; a medium for the individual to express their outlooks on death more freely through commodities. Conversely we can also see a line of argument which denies this; that capitalism actually provides this market to simply fall victim to cheap consumerism and materialistic competition. The banal but functional illusion of expression is part of this mechanism. Though this argument would make it somewhat more difficult for us to assume an emergence in the acceptance of death it must be admitted that whether deeply meaningful or shallow these phenomena still ultimately offer us a startling counter to the idea of death as a taboo. That is, clearly intense thought and planning have featured as critical to some of the more exhibitionist kinds of ceremony. Whatever the consumerism involved in funerals reveals, even if we do happen to grant this competitive dimension to some modern funerals, it is increasingly evidential that more thought and consideration is being given into the area of funeral services in life and thus the taboo can be said to be breaking down at least to some degree. The issue is therefore mostly concerning which macro narrative we place these changes in.
As mentioned, there is something to be said of this previously offered narrative - That our current engagement with capitalism and consumption choices have allowed us to be much more free and open with how we express this newfound acceptance of death. This narrative palpably isn’t the entire truth and we must not exaggerate its role in reality; a more reflective account of reality is somewhat more complex and in fact sees capitalism often take a much more oppositional role to the one previously encountered. To expand, though it is somewhat true that capitalist ideology has opened this taboo up for discussion through allowing people to freely explore, express and personalise their thoughts there exists another critical narrative; one of consumerism. It can be said that the trends we see in the funeral industry have less to do with an intellectual handling of our own human mortality and more, in fact, to do with an increasingly suffocating need to personalise every aspect of our life through the consumptive acquisition of goods. Here it seems that the Neo Marxist critique that ‘We're convinced that we can buy our way to happiness, that wealth is the path to permanent fulfilment’[17] and that we value personalisation as currency[18] is apt. So it could be easily argued that some of these observations have more to say about the modern necessity to personalise our life through expense (ie. materialism) or at least rival others’ attempts to do so (which has now extended to our deaths), than the intentional and authentic deconstruction of a taboo.
Of course one could argue that the highly ritualised and systematic approach to death and the funeral industry is historically entrenched in our society by virtue of traditional Christian services is just as indicative of a strong societal focus on death. However, this would perhaps be a slight misreading for several reasons. Firstly, not only is the normative Christian approach often void of expression through lack of personalisation and open format but also because; in stark contrast to modernity it features a less emphasised element of planning and preparation on an individual level and follows a more static and institutional format. So to elaborate, in the past it can be argued that society enjoyed a strong focus on death through the conceptualised Christian funeral, a then much more widely appreciated and attended phenomenon by some numbers. Yet this ritualistic attitude to death, though elaborate and important, often included little input on the level of the individual in relation to both content and implication and was often the choice by lack of plurality. In comparison to modern day in which individuals are increasingly being urged and indeed acting on these offers to create wills of testament and carefully and intricately tailor their funeral ceremonies and beliefs about death, Christian ritual appears more of a default in its proper social and historical context, not without criticism of inauthenticity from the most zealous milieus. The rise in cremation, memorials and “green funerals”[19] are all testimony to this newfound planning, personalisation and forethought - not to mention the observable desire to seek out and consider alternatives to ceremonies that predicate traditional Christian beliefs.
These alternatives also warrant mention for a myriad of reasons. In the last few decades alone the West has seen the appearance of many alternatives to its historically predominant Christian beliefs and doctrines as viable, popular and credible alternatives. This diversity and openness in greater societal ideology is reflected within the funeral industry - Not only are we believing in a variety of different religions, spiritualties and non-religious ways of life or philosophies but we apply these ways of thinking into our celebrations of life and death and consequently are talking about these more now there is a legitimate conversation to be had and alternatives to consider. New Age spirituality[20] and the appropriation of Eastern thought, for instance, quite principally highlights death and the afterlife. Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh and Jain observance and subsequent ceremonies are increasing in the UK[21] and other western countries. Another such movement that has begun to inform the conduct and raison d'etre of funerals is actually Spiritism and the firm belief of the paranormal.[22] The Spiritualist’s National Union for instance offer ‘burial, cremation, scattering of ashes & memorial services’ in contradistinction to the traditions of Christian funerals.[23] While numerically this may not be a contender for dislodging Christianity's hold, it is at least testimony to the deconstruction of orthodoxy and the embrace of plurality. This myriad of emergent attitudes to death rituals informs resulting conversations and the ‘widespread and growing contemporary phenomenon of spiritual seeking’[24] which, while controversial[25], is nonetheless popular.
Another attitude that we can perceive is this resolute attempt at grappling with death witnessed in the increasingly popular non-religious funeral which comprise 30,000 of Britain’s funerals and it is also worth noting that 1 in 20 families are actively seeking out alternative ceremonies to reflect their attitudes to life and death[26]. Further testimony to this trend is the fact that Humanist funeral celebrants have been in demand for half a century[27] and the last decade has seen their number double recent years[28] and the British Humanist Association now boast 300 celebrant active in Britain alone[29]. The popularity of these movements is further evidenced by a 24% demand increase[30], the training of 56 celebrants and twice as much internet traffic concerning Humanists funerals within the last year alone[31]. Such Humanist funerals are varied and diverse as a ‘unique and personal ceremony’ of which ‘the vast majority are for people who lived their lives without religion because they didn’t believe in God or weren’t clear about their beliefs’.[32] Thus it can be said that they target a growing sentiment of hypocrisy in having a religious funeral which is becoming talked about in conversation in relation to death[33] - Atheistic, humanistic and overtly secularist attitudes to death and finality show us a kind of courageous handling of the topic of death; with no expectation of afterlife or posthumous existence and an explicit focus on mortality. Indeed, philosopher Julian Baggini writes that ‘Death (…) occupies a crucial role in the atheist world view’ that it ‘is what makes life valuable in the first place’.[34] It is the atheist view, according to Baggini that engages with the meaning of life and sees mortality and finality as inherently more meaningful than eternal existence.
When we consider the growth of atheism as a demographic in recent years across the West[35] alongside such growing intellectual movements of transhumanism[36] and other conversations entirely concerned with a confrontation, acceptance or victory over death it is no surprise that we see this kind of diverse attitude applied in the conduct and reasoning of funeral ceremonies. All these various movements invite us to consider death in new lights in contradistinction to religious tradition and this subsequently shows us a trend of non-tabooed conversation that meanders through the funeral industry and beyond.
We can firmly establish that there does indeed exist an indicative trend of breaking taboo yet it would be far too easy to say that this entirely characterises or even provides a rough outline of attitudes to death in the UK alone. Some more conservative views still remain intact and obstinate in reactance to this trend. This can be observed in a multitude of ways, not least of which through the remanence of traditional Orthodoxy within Christianity and its influence, monopoly even, over the industry of funerals. It can also be observed across other religions in their respective communities to a lesser extent; in Judaism for example ‘flowers and music are inappropriate at funerals’ and an ambiguous notion of resurrection is advocated[37] - alongside strict laws and unyielding bans on suicide and euthanasia this does little to suggest uncontested and extensive conversations alluding to death and if anything reinforces taboo. Given the increasing numerical presence of many such religious minorities[38] and Christian conservative backlash we can draw from this some limitation to the claim that the taboo around death is falling apart. Yet whilst this traditionalist attitude to death does something to subvert an explanation portraying that taboo is breaking down, in some cases, it is reactionary in nature or it may have less to do with shushing those who would dare bring death to the dinner table (as would certainly be the case for other target areas for conservatism, such as conversations about sex). Indeed, in some cases this conservatism may be part of the great conversation about death in its own right – as a carefully considered attitude to mortality, as opposed to a sense of being mortified by it ever being under discussion. That is, a considered answer rather than a rejection of the question.
Inarguably we can claim that there is a veritable trend in some places towards the destruction of the death taboo. We are seeing a more fluid and diverse understanding of religiosity, a more open attitude to alternative beliefs in combination with a greater emphasis and inclusion of consumerism and atheistic philosophies into how we deal with death but we must not overemphasise either this narrative or the phenomena evidencing it or fail to recognise that often these efforts are in essence reactionary against a perceived overwhelming taboo. Modernity’s existential openness, conversations on mortality, secularism, spiritual fluidity, freedom and liberalism is limited in revealing a decline in taboo, being overshadowed in part by consumerism, the immutable negative connotations of death and robust traditionalist conservatism. We must resist the temptation to emphasise the essential small scale that the funeral industry reveals of larger culture also. To say that taboo is not breaking down however would be palpably intellectually dishonest, given the evidence at hand. Overall, it can be argued that even the counter examples, while limiting the initial extent to which we may see taboo breaking still suggest that death is on our minds much more so than it historically has been. Even if materialism or even attempts at halting a conversation on mortality is the intended effect or focus of these efforts they still go some way in bringing death to the dinner table, whether we like it or not.
[1] Ernest Becker, The Denial of Death (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2007), p. 66.
[2] Death Salon, 2015 http://deathsalon.org/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[3] Satish Modi, In Love With Death (London: Birlinn Ltd, 2014), p.6.
[4] Benedict de Spinoza in Rene Descartes, Benedict de Spinoza, Gottfried Wilhelm Von Leibniz, The Rationalists: Descartes: Discourse on Method & Meditations; Spinoza: Ethics; Leibniz: Monadolo gy & Discourse on Metaphysics (New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2011), p. 367.
[5] Louisa Peacock, The Telegraph, The Real Reasons Why Death Is Still So Hard to Talk About With Your Loved Ones, 13 May 2014, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/womens-life/10825710/The-real-reasons-why-death-is-still-so-taboo-hard-to-talk-about-with-your-loved-ones.html [Accessed 22 October 2015]
[6] South Wales Evening Post, Colourful Coffins and Rock Music - The Way We Say Goodbye to Our Loved Ones is Changing, 11 October 2015 http://m.southwales-eveningpost.co.uk/Colourful-coffins-rock-music-way-say-goodbye/story-27962053-detail/story.html [Accessed 13 October 2015]
[7] Ibid.
[8] National Funeral Directors Association, Trends In Funeral Service, 2015 http://nfda.org/media-center/trends-in-funeral-service.html [Accessed 02 October 2015]
[9] Ibid.
[10] Amanda Killelea, The Mirror, The Bizarre Funerals Where the Dead Become the 'Living' Again Thanks to New Dress-Up Craze, 23 June 2014, http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/weird-news/bizarre-funerals-dead-become-living-3750831 [Accessed 10 November 2015]
[11] South Wales Evening Post.
[12] John McFadden and James M. Donohue, C.R, Christian Funeral Practices in a Changed Time and Culture (Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2005), p. 3.
[13] Dignity In Dying, Largest Ever Poll on Assisted Dying Shows 82% of Public Support Lord Falconer’s Proposed Change in the Law, 2015 http://www.dignityindying.org.uk/press-release/poll-assisted-dying/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[14] A good example of which is Deborah J. Taub and Jason Robertson, Preventing College Student Suicide: New Directions for Student Services (Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2013), p. 7.
[15] Death Salon.
[16] John McFadden and James M. Donohue, p. 7.
[17] Steve Taylor, Psychology Today, The Madness of Materialism, 10 March 2012 https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/out-the-darkness/201203/the-madness-materialism [Accessed 18 October 2015]
[18] Renée Ridgway, ‘Personalisation as Currency’, APJRA, 4.1 (2015)
[19] National Funeral Directors Association.
[20] Doug Groothuis, Confronting the New Age: How to Resist a Growing Religious Movement (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 32.
[21] Hindus alone now comprise of 1.5% of the population, the fourth largest religious group according to Office For National Statistics, The Percentage of the Population With No Religion Has Increased in England and Wales, 04 April 2013 http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census/key-statistics-for-local-authorities-in-england-and-wales/sty-religion.html [Accessed 19 October 2015]
[22] My Last Song, Spiritualist Funerals, 2015 http://www.mylastsong.com/advice/470/114/107/funerals/alternative-funerals/spiritualist-funerals [Accessed 20 November 2015]
[23] The Spiritualist’s National Union, Funeral Services the Spiritualist Way, 2011 http://www.snu.org.uk/community/ministers/funerals.html [Accessed 12 November 2015]
[24] Christian Smith and Dr William R Kenan, Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 72.
[25] As evidenced in the critique of Dave Webster, Dispirited: How Contemporary Spirituality Makes Us Stupid Selfish and Unhappy (Winchester: Zero Books, 2012)
[26] Caroline McClatchey, The Telegraph, Rise of the Funerals That Leave Out God, 4 March 2007 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1544496/Rise-of-the-funerals-that-leave-out-God.html [Accessed 10 November 2015]
[27] Smoker, Barbara, Humanism (Liverpool: Press Roman, 1973), p. 51.
[28] Caroline McClatchey.
[29] The British Humanist Association, Non-Religious Funerals, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/ceremonies/non-religious-funerals/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[30] The British Humanist Association, BHA News (London: The British Humanist Association, 2015), p. 6.
[31] The British Humanist Association, The British Humanist Association Annual Review 2015 (London: The British Humanist Association, 2015), p. 8.
[32] The British Humanist Association, Non-Religious Funerals, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/ceremonies/non-religious-funerals/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[33] Caroline McClatchey.
[34] Julian, Baggini, Atheism: A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 71.
[35] The British Humanist Association, Religion And Belief: Some Surveys And Statistics, 2015 https://humanism.org.uk/campaigns/religion-and-belief-some-surveys-and-statistics/ [Accessed 20 October 2015]
Amanda Marcotte, AlterNet, America Is Losing Religion: Why More and More Women Are Embracing Non-Belief, 14 May 2015 http://www.alternet.org/belief/america-losing-religion-why-more-and-more-women-are-embracing-non-belief [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[36] Zoltan Istvan, Psychology Today, Transhumanism Grew Rapidly in 2014, 30 December 2014 https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-transhumanist-philosopher/201412/transhumanism-grew-rapidly-in-2014 [Accessed 20 October 2015]
[37]FuneralWise.com, Conservative Judaism Funeral Service Rituals, 2015 https://www.funeralwise.com/customs/jewish/conservative/ [Accessed 18 November 2015]
[38] Office of National Statistics.